Faith as Foreign Policy: How Major Powers Weaponise Religious Networks for Strategic Influence

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• April 3, 2026
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Nation-states are increasingly deploying religious institutions, pilgrimages, and faith-based diplomacy as instruments of geopolitical influence, creating a new dimension of soft power competition. This trend carries significant implications for India, which must navigate both as a target of foreign religious outreach and as a potential deployer of its own Hindu civilisational diplomacy.

New Delhi, April 2026 — The intersection of faith and foreign policy has entered a new phase of strategic intensity, with major powers systematically institutionalising religious soft power as a complement to traditional diplomatic and economic leverage. From Saudi Arabia’s global mosque-building programmes to China’s Buddhist diplomacy in Southeast Asia, states are treating religious networks as strategic assets worthy of significant investment and coordination.

What Is Driving This Trend?

The resurgence of religious soft power stems from the declining efficacy of purely economic inducements in an era of competing development finance options. States have recognised that cultural and spiritual connections create durable loyalty that survives changes in government or economic circumstances. The cost-effectiveness of religious outreach compared to infrastructure financing makes this approach particularly attractive for middle powers seeking influence beyond their economic weight. Digital connectivity has amplified the reach of faith-based messaging, allowing states to cultivate diaspora communities and co-religionists across borders with unprecedented efficiency.

Which Countries Are Leading This Strategy?

Saudi Arabia has invested an estimated USD 100 billion over four decades in promoting Wahhabist institutions globally, fundamentally reshaping Islamic practice in South Asia and beyond. Turkey under Erdogan has repositioned itself as a champion of Sunni Muslim causes, leveraging the Diyanet religious affairs directorate to operate in over 100 countries. China has cultivated Buddhist connections with Sri Lanka, Nepal, and Myanmar while simultaneously suppressing Buddhism domestically in Tibet. Russia has deployed Orthodox Christianity as a unifying narrative across Eastern Europe and among conservative communities worldwide.

• Saudi Arabia operates religious centres and funds madrassas in over 80 countries, with South Asia receiving substantial allocations
• Turkey’s Diyanet employs over 2,000 religious personnel stationed at embassies and cultural centres abroad
• The Vatican maintains formal diplomatic relations with 183 states, the densest diplomatic network per capita globally
• Iran’s religious tourism sector hosts approximately 20 million pilgrims annually, generating both revenue and ideological influence
• Israel’s Birthright programme has brought over 750,000 diaspora youth for faith-heritage visits since 1999

What Does This Mean for India?

India occupies a unique position as both a target and potential practitioner of religious soft power projection. Gulf states’ funding of religious institutions within India has long concerned security establishments, while Pakistan’s leverage of Islamic solidarity in multilateral forums remains a persistent diplomatic challenge. New Delhi has tentatively explored Hindu civilisational diplomacy through yoga promotion and temple restoration projects in Southeast Asia, but this remains underdeveloped compared to competitors. The Kailash Mansarovar pilgrimage arrangement with China and Buddhist circuit development represent nascent attempts at faith-based diplomatic engagement.

How Should Policymakers Respond?

Governments receiving foreign religious outreach must develop sophisticated frameworks distinguishing legitimate faith expression from strategic interference. Transparency requirements for foreign funding of religious institutions have become standard practice in several democracies, though enforcement remains inconsistent. Counter-strategies need not be defensive alone—states can actively cultivate their own faith-based diplomatic assets while respecting pluralistic principles. The challenge lies in deploying religious soft power without triggering domestic sectarian tensions or international accusations of majoritarianism.

Analyst’s View

Religious soft power will intensify as a geopolitical variable through this decade, particularly in the Indo-Pacific where civilisational narratives compete with rules-based order frameworks. India’s strategic community should monitor China’s Buddhist diplomacy in Nepal and Sri Lanka, Gulf philanthropy patterns in South Asian madrassas, and Turkey’s expanding educational footprint in Central Asia. The states that most effectively institutionalise faith-based outreach without appearing nakedly transactional will gain durable influence advantages. For India, the question remains whether it can project its pluralistic spiritual heritage as a diplomatic asset without compromising the secular constitutional framework that legitimises such outreach internationally.